Class Politics

Urban, divers, kosmopolitisch, individualistisch - links ist für viele heute vor allem eine Lifestylefrage. Politische Konzepte für sozialen Zusammenhalt bleiben auf der Strecke, genauso wie schlecht verdienende Frauen, arme Zuwandererkinder, ausgebeutete Leiharbeiter und große Teile der Mittelschicht. Ob in den USA oder Europa: Wer sich auf Gendersternchen konzentriert statt auf Chancengerechtigkeit und dabei Kultur und Zusammengehörigkeitsgefühl der Bevölkerungsmehrheit vernachlässigt, arbeitet der politischen Rechten in die Hände.

For most of us, the idea of life inside the golden triad of Park Avenue, Sagaponack, and St. Barths is just as exotic as the mysteries of the Bermuda Triangle. Luckily, Richard Kirshenbaum has a VIP pass to the Upper East Side and is willing to share the wealth - of gossip. His New York Observer column on uptown social life provides a fascinating glimpse behind the gilded curtain into the swanky restaurants and eye-popping vacation destinations where the one percent gathers.

President Obama's goal is to create a two-class society: the poor and the super-rich. Decades of liberals - and even a few supposed "Republicans" - have helped push America toward this goal, and President Obama hopes to finish their work. Why? Because this two-class society cements the crony capitalism that feeds big government and keeps corrupt big shots like Obama and his friends in power, permanently enshrined as the ruling class. Meanwhile, it keeps everyone else hooked on the government like a drug that's impossible to quit.

It's OK to be angry about capitalism. It's OK to want something better. Bernie Sanders takes on the 1% and speaks blunt truths about a system that is fuelled by uncontrolled greed, and rigged against ordinary people. Where a handful of oligarchs have never had it so good, with more money than they could spend in a thousand lifetimes, and the vast majority struggle to survive. Where a decent standard of living for all seems like an impossible dream.

Before the COVID-19 pandemic devastated the country, more than six million people earned their living as tipped workers in the service industry. These workers, unsurprisingly, were among the most vulnerable workers during the pandemic. As in many other areas, the pandemic exposed the inadequacies of the nation's social safety net and minimum-wage standards. In her new book, One Fair Wage, Jayaraman shines a light on these workers, illustrating how the people left out of the fight for a fair minimum wage are society's most marginalized.

Since the eviction of Occupy protestors from encampments in many cities throughout the world, smaller and more targeted occupations have continued. Workers in a Chicago factory occupied - with the support of their union - to protest layoffs. Teachers and students in Tucson staged a walkout to protest the removal of Chicano history books from the curriculum. Home foreclosures were disrupted, even avoided, by direct community action. But what does it all mean? What do we talk about when we talk about "revolution", if we talk about it at all?

The United States was founded on the principle of equal opportunity for all, and this ethos continues to inform the nation's collective identity. In reality, however, absolute equality is elusive. The gap between rich and poor has widened in recent decades, and the United States has the highest level of economic inequality of any developed country. Social class and other differences in status reverberate throughout American life, and prejudice based on another's perceived status persists among individuals and groups.

In The Forgotten, Ben Bradlee, Jr., reports on how voters in Luzerne County, a pivotal county in a crucial swing state, came to feel like strangers in their own land - marginalized by flat or falling wages, rapid demographic change, and a liberal culture that mocks their faith and patriotism.

Once upon a time, you could work for one company your whole adult life, you could make a decent living, and you could buy your piece of the American Dream. This book is part memoir and part political statement as it follows my thirty-seven-year career at the phone company that began in 1973, about the time economists say worker pay flatlined. The telecommunications industry was ripped apart, absorbed, and gobbled up by each other until, within a few years, Ma Bell had reassembled itself

In a country of critics and where shouting and snarky tweets dominate public communication, neighborliness is in short supply. Duct-tape Community - Hope for Neighborliness in an Unequal World finds it in the most unexpected places, from public housing janitors to farmers in overalls.

For generations the Burdens were one of the wealthiest families in New York, thanks to the inherited fortune of Cornelius "The Commodore" Vanderbilt. By 1955, the year of Wendy Burden's birth, the Burdens had become a clan of overfunded, quirky and brainy, steadfastly chauvinistic, and ultimately doomed bluebloods on the verge of financial and moral decline---and were rarely seen not holding a drink.

Thomas Piketty über soziale Ungleichtheit und globale Gerechtigkeit. "Das ist ja interessant, was Sie schreiben, aber können Sie es vielleicht auch kürzer sagen?" Diese Frage ist Thomas Piketty, der mit seinem umfangreichen Bestseller "Das Kapital im 21. Jahrhundert" eine internationale Debatte über die Ursachen sozialer Ungleichheit in Gang gebracht hat, oft gestellt worden. Piketty hat diese Bitten ernst genommen und das Ergebnis ist eine Weltgeschichte der sozialen Konflikte und Konstellationen und eine Lektion in globaler Gerechtigkeit.

London is a plutocrat's paradise, with more resident billionaires than New York, Hong Kong or Moscow. Far from trickling down, their wealth is burning up the environment and swallowing up the city. But what do we really know about London's super rich, and the lives they lead? To find out more about this secretive, security-heavy elite, sociologist Caroline Knowles walks the streets of London from the City to suburban Surrey, via Kensington, Notting Hill, Mayfair and elsewhere.

Understanding wealth in the United States - who has it, how they acquired it, and how they preserve it - is crucial to addressing the economic and political challenges facing the nation. But until now we have had little reliable information. Edward Wolff, one of the world's great experts on the economics of wealth, offers an authoritative account of patterns in the accumulation and distribution of wealth since 1900. A Century of Wealth in America demonstrates that the most remarkable change has been the growth of per capita household wealth.

Do we have to choose between equality and prosperity? Many think that reducing economic inequality would require such heavy-handed interference with market forces that it would stifle economic growth. Heather Boushey insists nothing could be further from the truth. Presenting cutting-edge economics with journalistic verve, she shows how rising inequality has become a drag on growth and an impediment to a competitive United States marketplace for employers and employees alike.

The United States is the richest country on earth, yet has more poverty than any other advanced democracy. One in seven Americans live below the poverty line, a line which hasn't shifted over the last fifty years, despite the efforts of successive governments and extensive relief programs. Why is there so much scarcity in this land of dollars? In Poverty, by America, acclaimed sociologist Matthew Desmond examines the nature of American poverty today and the stories we tell ourselves about it.

In a wide-ranging narrative that takes us from a downsized marketing executive in Massachusetts, to a father of three in Appalachia finding purpose and meaning working in a convenience-store chain, to an unemployed autoworker retraining in "advanced manufacturing", Shell reveals how work is essential to our flourishing and pyschological well-being - and how so many of the avenues to well-paid and meaningful work will be challenged in the years ahead.

Haben wir ohne reiche Eltern keine Chance mehr? In kaum einem anderen westlichen Land ist Vermögen so ungleich verteilt wie in Deutschland. Die Schere geht immer weiter auf – aufgrund steigender Mieten und Lebensmittelpreise, weil heutzutage jeder Paketzusteller prozentual mehr von seinem Lohn abgibt als ein Milliardär, aber auch weil Steuern auf Vermögen runtergeschraubt werden und die Reichen unaufhörlich reicher werden. Diese Ungerechtigkeit ist gesellschaftliches Dynamit. Reichtum durch Arbeit? Fast unmöglich. Jeder ist seines Glückes Schmied? Nur im Märchen.

What does working class mean in today's America? Today's workers don't just man the assembly lines. They watch our children and aging parents, park our cars, screen our luggage, clean our offices and hotel rooms, cook our take-out meals, and stock our store shelves. And they are blacker, browner, and more female than the old working class. They are not as organized in terms of their unions and political clout, but they are demographically powerful and are awakening to that power.

This is volume two—what Henry George called "the Solution to the Problem". This landmark treatise by the great economist Henry George was first published in 1879. George's work became the seminal analysis of the political economy which inspired most, if not all, the prominent thinkers of the Progressive Movement and many others of great influence: Upton Sinclair, John Dewey, George Bernard Shaw, Friedrich Hayek, H. G. Wells, Clarence Darrow, and Leo Tolstoy, to name but a few. His analyses and proposals are referred to as "Georgism".