Liberal Science

El concepto "liberalismo" aparece de manera cotidiana en las conversaciones y debates sobre política, economía o moral. Sin embargo, su significado e implicaciones pueden con frecuencia no ser evidentes e incluso resultar engañosas. En este libro hecho ahora audiolibro, Juan Ramón Rallo, uno de nuestros más valiosos pensadores liberales, expone cuáles son los 10 principios nucleares del liberalismo para así clarificar su significado actual.

For 200 years, the grand project of liberal internationalism has been to build a world order that is open, loosely rules-based, and oriented toward progressive ideas. Today this project is in crisis, threatened from the outside by illiberal challengers and from the inside by nationalist-populist movements. This timely book offers the first full account of liberal internationalism’s long journey from its 19th-century roots to today’s fractured political moment.

Liberal democracy in America has always contained contradictions—most notably, a noble but abstract commitment to freedom, justice, and equality that, tragically, has seldom been realized in practice. While these contradictions have caused dissent and even violence, there was always an underlying and evolving solidarity drawn from the cultural resources of America’s “hybrid Enlightenment”. James Davison Hunter, who introduced the concept of “culture wars” 30 years ago, tells us in this new book that those historic sources of national solidarity have now largely dissolved.

From gun control to reproductive health, a conservative Supreme Court will reshape the lives of all Americans for decades to come. The time to develop and defend a progressive vision of the US Constitution that protects the rights of all people is now.

The conventional wisdom about Felix Frankfurter―Harvard law professor and Supreme Court justice―is that he struggled to fill the seat once held by Oliver Wendell Holmes. Scholars have portrayed Frankfurter as a judicial failure, a liberal lawyer turned conservative justice, and the Warren Court’s principal villain. And yet none of these characterizations rings true.

When he hit the airwaves 30 years ago, John Stossel helped create a whole new category of news, dedicated to protecting and informing consumers. As a crusading reporter, he chased snake-oil peddlers, rip-off artists, and corporate thieves, winning the applause of his peers.

But along the way, he noticed that there was something far more troublesome going on: While the networks screamed about the dangers of exploding BIC lighters and coffeepots, worse risks were ignored.

Popular culture in America today is dominated by the left. But so many young conservatives in America want to stand up for their beliefs in their classrooms, at their jobs, with their friends, or on social media, but they don’t have the tools to do so. In How to Win Friends and Influence Enemies, Will Witt arms Gen Zs and millennials with the knowledge and skills to combat the leftist narrative they hear every day.

According to Goldberg, if the greatest trick the Devil ever pulled was convincing the world he didn’t exist, the greatest trick liberals ever pulled was convincing themselves they’re not ideological. Today “objective” journalists and academics and “moderate” politicians peddle some of the most radical arguments by hiding them in homespun aphorisms.

Das Erstarken der politischen Ränder, Identitätspolitik, Migration, die Einschränkungen der Meinungsfreiheit und die Corona-Politik haben das Vertrauen in die Demokratie ausgehöhlt: Wolfgang Kubicki packt die drängendsten politischen Themen unserer Zeit bei der Wurzel und zeigt schonungslos auf, welche politischen Entscheidungen zum Verlust des Freiheitsgefühls geführt haben. Sein neues Buch ist eine liberale Kampfansage, ein Aufruf zur Rückkehr zu echten demokratischen Werten und zum Kampf für die Freiheit—auch wenn sie mit unbequemen Debatten verbunden ist.

In 50 Things They Don’t Want You to Know Jerome Hudson dives deeply into the things Americans are not supposed to realize. Many of our most hotly debate topics are shaped by Davos power brokers, woke college professors, TV talking heads, social media activists and feckless Washington swamp monsters who want you to only follow their narrative.

Scott Hartley first heard the terms fuzzy and techie while studying political science at Stanford University. If you majored in the humanities or social sciences, you were a fuzzy. If you majored in the computer sciences, you were a techie. This informal division has quietly found its way into a default assumption that has misled the business world for decades: that it's the techies who drive innovation.

The science of genetics is now showing how most liberals have almost everything exactly backwards. For example, progressives insist that income and wealth inequality have recently been increasing in America but this is untrue. By every measure inequality in the US has been only converging since the end of WWI and the same holds true for the developing world during the last 50 years. Those on the left (and almost every sociologist) are in the firm grip of false beliefs regarding class, gender and race. Because they are at root "levelers" they mistakenly contend that all ethnic groups (...

From one of the country's most admired political thinkers, an urgent wake-up call to American liberals to turn from the divisive politics of identity and develop a vision of our future that can persuade all citizens that they share a common destiny.

Catching the Wind is the first volume of Neal Gabler’s magisterial two-volume biography of Edward Kennedy. It is at once a human drama, a history of American politics in the late 20th and early 21st centuries, and a study of political morality and the role it played in the tortuous course of liberalism.

Since the day Donald Trump announced his presidential campaign, the left has waged a demented war against him. Liberals used to pride themselves on their ultra-hipness, but Trump has turned them into weeping little girls in pink party dresses. The very people who once mocked right-wingers for (allegedly) overreacting to every little thing are now the ones hyperventilating and hatching insane conspiracy theories.

Ben Shapiro uncovers the simple strategy used by liberals and their friends in the media: bully the living hell out of conservatives. Play the race card, the class card, the sexism card. Use any and every means at your disposal to demonize your opposition - to shut them up. Then pretend that such bullying is justified because, after all, conservatives are the true bullies and need to be taught a lesson for their intolerance.

National radio talk show host Mike Gallagher provides a careful study into the psyche of the liberal mind, using humor and irony to both entertain and instruct. A recent Gallup/ USA Today Poll (not exactly Fox News Channel) revealed that 42 percent of Americans called themselves conservative, 35 percent moderate, while only 20 percent used the "L" word to describe themselves. Mike Gallagher uses his trademark humor to take the listener inside the life and mind of the American liberal, coming up with 50 definitive things liberals just love to hate.

The Great Recession, institutional dysfunction, a growing divide between urban and rural prospects, and failed efforts to effectively address immigration have paved the way for a populist backlash that disrupts the postwar bargain between political elites and citizens. Whether today's populism represents a corrective to unfair and obsolete policies or a threat to liberal democracy remains up for debate. To respond to today's crisis, good leaders must strive for inclusive economic growth while addressing social and cultural issues, including demographic anxiety, with frank attention.

In America and in England, faltering economies at home and failed wars abroad have generated a political and intellectual hysteria. It is a derangement manifested in a number of ways: nostalgia for imperialism, xenophobic paranoia, and denunciations of an allegedly intolerant left. These symptoms can be found even among the most informed of Anglo-America.

"Before I knew that I was Jewish or a girl I knew that I was a member of the working class." So begins Vivian Gornick's exploration of how the world of socialists, communists, and progressives in the 1940s and 1950s created a rich, diverse world where ordinary men and women felt their lives connected to a larger human project.